Sunday, June 10, 2012
Piet Byleveld - LILY WHITE OF OFF PINK.....
Thursday, June 2, 2011
White coloured & Black War Vets get ignored by ANC
THURSDAY, JUNE 2, 2011
White Coloured Black War Vets get excluded from Bill
‘SAW-lede is g’n veterane’
Deur: Pieter du Toit
2011-05-31 22:34
Kaapstad. – Die regering wil dienspligtiges van die voormalige Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag (SAW) daarvan uitsluit om ingevolge die voorgestelde Wet op Militêre Veterane vir ’n reeks voordele in aanmerking te kom.
Mnr. Thabang Makwetla, adjunkminister van verdediging en militêre veterane, het aan die portefeuljekomitee oor verdediging gesê dienspligtiges is nie as deel van die SAW se staandemag geag nie en hulle word dus nie ingesluit by die wetlike definisie van “militêre veteraan” nie.
Mnr. Ntime Skhosana, Makwetla se woordvoerder, het gister bevestig die departement wag op ’n regsmening oor die grondwetlikheid van die uitsluiting. “Onthou, dienspligtiges het net twee jaar gedien en is dan ontslaan om terug te gaan universiteit toe of om te gaan werk. Dit (hul dienstyd) het hulle nie so beïnvloed soos staandemaglede nie.”
Die wetsontwerp word tans deur die parlement oorweeg en maak voorsiening vir voordele in die vorm van behuising, gesondheid, vervoer en sakegeleenthede.
Benewens dienspligtiges, sal vrywilligers ook nie vir voordele in aanmerking kom nie.
Lt.kol. (afg.) Godfrey Giles, voorsitter van die raad vir veterane-organisasies (CMVO) en ondervoorsitter van die nasionale sambreelliggaam vir veterane, Samva, sê hy is “verpletter” deur Makwetla se standpunt en meen dit kom daarop neer om wit mense uit te sluit.
“Dis twak. Dis absoluut pateties. Dit was nie deel van enige bespreking tydens die konsultasieproses nie en is beslis nie in die gees van wat die wetgewing poog nie. Dit dui op ’n baie swak begrip van oudgediendes se ware behoeftes,” het hy gesê.
“Om te sê hulle het net twee jaar gedien is belaglik. Dienspligtiges het nog jare daarna kampe gedoen.”
Hy het ook verbaas gereageer op Skhosana se uitlating en gesê sy organisasie beskik oor ’n databasis van minstens 7 500 hulpbehoewende voormalige dienspligtiges. “En die regering meen diensplig ‘het hulle nie so erg beïnvloed nie’? Daar is mense wat op die grens was en nou in bushaltes slaap. Die CMVO-bestuur sal ’n noodvergadering hou. Ons gaan dit nie hier laat nie.”
Makwetla het verlede week aan LP’s gesê dienspligtiges is nie deur hul dienstydperk benadeel nie en die regering glo nie hulle is op staatshulp geregtig nie. Logieserwys kan die staat nie daarvoor verantwoordelik gehou word indien dienspligtiges vandag sukkel nie. In teenstelling daarmee het staandemaglede en lede van nie-statutêre magte, soos Apla en MK, heeltyds gedien.
Mnr. Makhabe Maziya (ANC-LP) het bygevoeg dienspligtiges is soos stukwerkers: Hulle het nie dieselfde verantwoordelikhede as permanente werknemers nie en kan dus nie vir dieselfde voordele in aanmerking kom nie.
Giles het gesê die regering se planne sal ook verreikende gevolge vir die vrywillige Suid-Afrikaanse Kaapse Korps (SAKK) hê, wat onlangs deur me. Lindiwe Sisulu, minister van verdediging, as ’n veteraanorganisasie erken is. “Die wit dienspligtiges én die bruin Kaapse Korps word dus uitgesluit.”
Comments by Sonny
This should go to the Equalities Court for Judgement....!
The ANC is up to dirty tricks again.
Most MK's in exile played no role in the Border Wars!
POSTED BY SONNY COX AT 1:21 AM 1 COMMENTS LINKS TO THIS POST
LABELS: ANC EXCLUSION OF CERTAIN WAR VET GROUPS
"THE BLOOD OF OUR FALLEN ANCESTORS WILL RETURN TO HAUNT THE ANC AND ZUMA!"
PETITION
We, the citizens of S.A. are extremely concerned and disappointed that the definition of a Military Veteran has been
changed by Mr Makwetla, the Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, when addressing the Parliamentary
Committee on 25th May 2011. Having seen the newspaper reports, PMG summary and minutes of that meeting it
appears that conscripts and Reserve Force members are no longer considered to be part of the Defence Force! Thus
they will not be considered as Military Veterans in South Africa.
The definition of Military Veterans has been discussed at various levels culminating with a final one submitted in the
Bill which was discussed as part of the public debate. In no documents that the CMVO could find, was this brought
up or contested. Now at the final stages of the Bill going to Parliament, the definition has changed dramatically,
without consultation. The conscripts and Reserves (at times) are defined as;
• “not permanent”, “not full‐time members”, “Members of the non‐statutory forces and permanent members
of the SANDF had served on a full‐time basis and were not comparable to conscripts”,
• “excluded from the list of members submitted by the SANDF during integration”,
• “not deserving of further assistance by Government”,
• “Conscripts were not subjected to the same responsibility as the permanent members of the Defence Force
and should not be entitled to the same benefits”,
• “National conscription does not make a person part of the defence force”,
• “apartheid‐era conscription “disciplinary upliftment of the youth” but of a temporary nature, etc.
It appears that this Bill is now only for those that fought on a permanent basis in the Liberation struggle. So that
should mean only permanent SADF, MK and APLA members. This excludes Transkei, Ciskei, Boputshwane, Venda
Defence Forces and AZANLA. It will also exclude the WWI, WWII and Korean soldiers. It further excludes all the ex
SADF Coloured, Black and Indian members as very few of them were permanent – mostly on short term contracts.
This is not in the interests of uniting the Military Veterans in South Africa.
There are many Military Veterans who are recognised by the current Act who will now be no‐longer Military
Veterans. Organisations that have already been recognised will now have to change their membership, including MK
MVA etc.
We call on the Government to either:
• Stay with the definition as already discussed in the Bill OR
• To reopen discussions on this matter before this Bill is taken to Parliament
Please fill in your details below before 7th June and please forward to the Lgr Godfrey Giles, Chairman Council of
Military Veterans’ Organisations of South Africa, CMVO on chairman@cmvo.org or fax 0866848592.
Name Contact Number Region Email ID Number
Monday, April 12, 2010
South African Institute of Race Relations on the ramifications of the killing of Eugène Terre'Blanche
JOHANNESBURG : SAIRR ON MR TERRE'BLANCHE'S RECENT MURDER
Dear Members,
Please see below a statement issued by the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR) on the killing of AWB leader Eugene TerreBlanche. Amcham is a member of the IRR which is the leading independent research and policy organization in South Africa.
This statement is circulated for information purposes.
Above comments come with compliments of the American Chamber of Commerce in South
Africa
Subject: Statement by the South African Institute of Race Relations on the ramifications of the killing of Eugène Terre'Blanche
Dear readers,
The Institute desisted from issuing a formal statement in the immediate aftermath of the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche in order to first gauge the broader social, political, and international reaction to the killing. The Institute is now in a position to make the following points.
Racial tensions in the country appear to have increased significantly in recent weeks. This appears to be chiefly as a result of incitement by the ruling African National Congress to ‘shoot and kill’ the Afrikaner ethnic minority in the country. The anxiety around this incitement may well have influenced opinions across the broader white community. What appears to be the case is that much of the racial rapprochement that characterised the first 15 years of South Africa’s democracy is being undone. This rapprochement saw both black and white South Africans come to occupy a middle ground on race relations upon which the maintenance of future stable race relations depends.
Since 1994 the number of white farmers and their families murdered in South Africa is conservatively put at around 1 000. It may very well be much higher. There are currently an estimated 40 000 commercial farmers in the country. Over this same period in the region 250 000 South Africans out of a total current population of approximately 47 million have been murdered. Criminal violence can therefore be described as ‘rampant’ and has done considerable damage to the social fabric of the country. However, this is not to say that all murders in the country are a function of simple criminal banditry. In an environment where law and order has largely collapsed the consequences of incitement by political leaders to commit murder must be taken seriously.
Over the same period the policy measures put in place by the Government to raise the living standards of the black majority have failed to meet expectations. The key interventions of affirmative action and black economic empowerment have been exploited by the African National Congress to build a network of patronage that has made elements of its leadership extremely wealthy. The party also appears to have been so overwhelmed by corrupt tendencies that it is no longer able to act decisively against corrupt behaviour.
It has also through incompetence and poor policy been unable to address failures in the education system which are now the primary factor retarding the economic advancement of black South Africans.
At the same time the party is acutely aware that its support base of poor black South Africans has begun to turn against it. Violent protest action against the ruling party is now commonplace around the country.
In order to shore up support in the black community the ANC increasingly appears to be seeking to shift the blame for its delivery failures onto the small white ethnic minority, which today comprises well under 10% of the total population of South Africa. Here parallels may be read to the behaviour of Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe when that party realised that its political future was in peril. The ANC Youth League’s recent visit to Zanu-PF which saw it endorse that party’s ruinous polices are pertinent here.
In such an environment it is plausible to consider that the ANC’s exhortations to violence may be a contributing factor to the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche. Certainly the ANC’s protestations to the contrary seem ridiculous as the party is in effect saying that its followers pay no attention to what it says - this from a party that routinely claims that it is the manifestation of the will of all black South Africans. This is not to say that a labour dispute or some other matter could not have inflamed tensions on the Terre'Blanche farm. Rather it is to say that a number of different matters should be considered in determining the motivation for the crime.
Certainly the ANC’s exhortations to violence have created a context where the killings of white people will see a degree of suspicion falling around the party and its supporters.
It is of concern therefore that the police’s senior management are on record as saying that they will not consider a political motive or partial motive for the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche. This suggests an early effort to cover up the ANC’s possible culpability for inciting the crime.
Should any allegations of a political cover-up arise in the pending murder trial of the two young men accused of the Terre'Blanche murder the political consequences could be significant. Should evidence be led that the two young men acted with what they understood to be the tacit backing of the ANC, and a causal link between their actions and incitement by the ANC be established, then the possibility of charging the ANC’s senior leadership in connection to the murder arises. Equally plausible is that the Terre'Blanche family and the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging could bring a civil suit against the ANC and the Government.
It is possible that the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche will greatly strengthen the hand of a new hardened right wing in South Africa. In life Mr Terre'Blanche attracted a small, uninfluential, and extremist following. He will not be mourned for what he stood for. However, in death he may come to represent the experiences of scores of minority groups in the country who perceive themselves as being on the receiving end of racist and now also violent abuse from the ANC. In effect therefore Mr Terre'Blanche may be seen as having been martyred for a minority cause in the country.
The implications of a resurgent right wing will be numerous. It is most unlikely that this right wing will take the form of camouflage clad henchmen on horses in shows of force. The ANC has also often, wrongly, identified groups including the political opposition, Afriforum, agricultural unions, and even this Institute as ‘the right wing’. This silly ‘red under every bed’ attitude in the ANC saw it lose the trust of many civil society and political groups. These groups could all be defined first and foremost by the common belief that they had to act within the bounds of what the Constitution prescribed.
But the ANC belittled and undermined them. It also undermined parliament, the national prosecution service, and the various human rights and other organisations that were established under the Constitution. It may yet usurp the independence of the courts and the judiciary. The result was a shutting down of many of the democratic channels that were created for citizens in the country to make the Government aware of their concerns and circumstances.
The resurgence of a new political consciousness among minorities could drive an altogether different political force. Such a movement will draw its strength chiefly from a hardening attitudes in the white community but perhaps also in the Indian and coloured communities. These will be views that in the main have come to subscribe to some or all of the following points:
That the Government has corrupted and debilitated many of the country’s internal democratic processes for political or civil expression that were established under the Constitution
That cooperation with the current Government of South Africa is therefore fundamentally unfeasible and therefore futile
That the Government is unable to restore law and order in the country
That the Government is therefore unable protect its citizens
That the Government has a hostile agenda against minority groups
However it is equally, if not most likely, that many minorities who subscribe to the five points above may simply get so fed up that those who can will pack up and go. Here they may take the advice of President Zuma to remain calm as they pack up their businesses and their families and calmly board aircraft for Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United States, and Great Britain. With the exodus will leave much of the tax and expertise base of the country.
Should the ANC, however, find itself facing increased political resistance it will in many respects have a tiger by the tail. Firstly, the ANC depends greatly on the tax income paid by white South Africans to balance South Africa’s books. Secondly, it depends entirely on the food produced by a small number of white farmers to feed the country. Thirdly, white South Africans still dominate the skills base of the country. Finally, and most importantly, much white opinion since the early 1990s has been moderate. White South Africa has been willing and often eager to cooperate with the Government in building an open, non-racial, and prosperous South Africa. Losing that cooperation will to an extent put an end to any serious chance that the ANC has of leading South Africa to become a successful and prosperous democracy.
While the ANC will be inclined to blame whites for this, and may even take drastic action to confiscate white commercial interests as they are currently doing in agriculture, these actions will be ruinous for the economy. The result of such ruin will be to drive a deeper wedge between the ANC and its traditional support base and thereby hasten the political decay of the party.
When General Constand Viljoen decided to throw his lot in with democracy in the early 1990s the right wing in South Africa was a spent force. So it should and could have remained. The ANC could have taken advantage of white expertise and tax revenue to realise their own vision of a better life for all. Things have however gone badly wrong for the party. Corruption has destroyed its ability to meet the demands of its constituents while racial bigotry has now seen it defending its image against what should have been an insignificant and dying neo-Nazi faction in the country.
The failure of sensible South Africans to take back the racial middle ground in the country will be serious. Polarisation will beget further racial conflict and a hardening of attitudes on all sides. This is perhaps the greatest leadership test that the current Government has faced and it is one that they cannot afford to fail.
Sincerely,
Frans Cronje
Deputy CEO
South African Institute of Race Relations
9th Floor
Renaissance Centre
16-20 New St South
Gandhi Square
Johannesburg
Tel: + 27 11 492 0600
www.sairr.org.za
Comments by Sonny
Statistics in SA are known to be tarnished by the SAPS and ANC and do not alway
reflect correctly!
Killer of 3 AWB men threatened
12 April 2010, 07:42
\
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By Lesego Masemola
A former Bophuthatswana policeman who shot dead three AWB members in 1994 is living in fear for his life after finding a threatening note in his room last week.
Ontlametse Menyatsoe, who is a member of the SAPF in the North West, discovered the note in his room at the Hammanskraal Police College where he was on a course.
The note read: "Wat ek belowe aan jou is pyn, hartseer, honger of self die dood. Pasop" (What I promise you is pain, heartache, hunger and death. Beware).
Gauteng provincial police spokeswoman Captain Julia Claassen confirmed that police were investigating a case of intimidation.
Menyatsoe told Pretoria News the letter was the first real threat on his life since he drew international attention for shooting the AWB members in front of a television crew on March 11, 1994.
On that day, AWB members Nicolaas Fourie, Jacob Uys and Alwyn Wolfaardt were fleeing Bophuthatswana in a Mercedes Benz after a failed AWB invasion of the homeland.
It is alleged that Fourie had fired at stone-throwing locals and members of the then Bophutha-tswana Defence Force until he was shot. His car came to a halt.
Journalists approached the car to investigate but retreated when soldiers fired on them.
As the camera crew fled, they filmed Menyatsoe shooting the AWB men dead at point-black range.
Menyatsoe was granted amnesty by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1999, on the grounds that the killings were politically motivated.
He said: "Since that incident, nothing threatening has ever happened at all. This (note) scares me because with my experience something like this is a real threat which means that I am not free or safe, and maybe they (AWB) are still after me.
"Though I am in hiding, I am not even safe here," he said.
Menyatsoe said he picked up the note and was about to throw it in the rubbish bin. Then he knocked on his neighbour's door to see if he had been sent a similar letter.
"I thought it was maybe a hoax, that it was not real. The guy denied getting something similar, the one next door was just as surprised. I grew more worried."
Menyatsoe said he was rattled as the letter came when the AWB was mourning the death of Eugene Terre'Blanche, who was buried on Friday.
However, he said he was sceptical as there was no evidence the letter was indeed sent by the AWB.
Menyatsoe said when he arrived at the training college in January, he noticed a young white man who was always staring at him.
The man once saw him wearing a Cheetahs rugby jersey and asked him what he knew about rugby.
The man continued making derogatory remarks.
"The other time he walked right into me in the dining hall during breakfast. He pretended not to see me and we bumped into each other. He then made some remark and again I ignored him," he said.
Menyatsoe said he felt the killing of Terre'Blanche might have angered the young man, who probably sent the letter.
This article was originally published on page 3 of The Pretoria News on April 12, 2010
The Star
Comments by Sonny
He was also a cold blooded murderer!
Vengeance is sometimes very sweet!
What happened to the young white man?
Surely, he has a nmae and a face.
Is he now the prime suspect in this evil saga?
DA NEWSLETTER 12 APRIL 2010
A tale of two tantrums
Apart from other traumatic events, the past week will be remembered for two very public tantrums.
Both made worldwide news because they threw the choices facing South Africa into sharp relief. And both were characterized by a retreat into racial insults as an alternative to logic and reasoned debate.
One was the confrontation between ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema and BBC journalist Jonah Fisher. The other was the confrontation between AWB secretary general Andries Visagie and political analyst Lebohang Pheko.
Confrontations like these make South Africans anxious, because they symbolize the ever-present danger of a retreat into conflicting racial nationalisms.
But the fact that the majority of South Africans express this anxiety is actually good news. It shows that most of us do not want this kind of future, because it can produce no winners. Moments like these are actually important because they mobilize the moderate majority into realizing that we have to work towards a non-racial alternative, where everyone has the opportunity of a decent education and a job, and where everyone protects each other’s rights.
Crises tend to galvanise South Africans. We turn them into opportunities to face the real issues, and make the right choices.
But first we must understand precisely what these choices are. We know which option we want to avoid. It is symbolized by both Malema and Visagie.
Malema’s sinister tantrum, and resort to racial insults, has been analysed in every newspaper, and from every angle. Visagie’s outburst, and its context, warrants closer scrutiny.
Many people who have seen the relevant footage have concluded, incorrectly, that Visagie and Pheko represent the alternative choices facing South Africa. They do not.
They both represent the same option. In the short snippet available on the internet, their confrontation proceeds like this:
Pheko: You versus us.
Visagie: But can’t you understand that we have our own history, our own culture, our own language, our own religion.
Pheko: From your perspective, Mr Visagie, and it’s a very narrow perspective.
Visagie: It is not a perspective, it is a real fact.
Pheko: do you care about the starving millions of African people in this country?
Visagie: I care more….
Pheko: Do you care about the farm workers who are being oppressed in this country?
Visagie: I care….
Pheko: Do you care….
Visagie: No, no, no, don’t interrupt me. I am finished.
At this point Visagie rips off his lapel microphone, issues an expletive, and ends up in a confrontation with the show’s presenter, Chris Maroleng.
What struck me, when I watched this snippet on You Tube, was the sad fact that talk shows often fail to present the real alternatives facing South Africa. They make it seem as if opposing racial nationalisms are the only choices South Africans have.
The truth is that the ANC elite, behind the mask of race rhetoric, cares as little for the poor and dispossessed as the AWB. Following the example of Robert Mugabe, the network of connected ANC cronies is taking South Africa down the pathway of corruption and criminalization towards the failed state. In the failed state, the poor always suffer most, while the corrupt elite accumulate more and more wealth.
This trajectory is destroying South Africa’s capacity to grow the economy and create jobs. It is undermining education. The ANC elite actually know this. That is why they are so desperate to disguise their delivery failures. They are doing this by turning a racial minority into a political scapegoat.
Race mobilization is the only card the ANC has left. It will seek every opportunity to use it. Ethnic mobilization is the only card the AWB has ever played.
They both represent the future that South Africa’s moderate majority wants to avoid.
We have to build the political vehicle that will enable South Africans to choose the real alternative. We are well on our way, but there is a long way to go.
In the next few years, we must work towards realigning politics to bring together all South Africans (who currently find themselves in many different parties) into one powerful political force that crosses racial boundaries and offers the alternative to racial nationalism.
We must win elections in more provinces and, eventually, nationally. Winning is not an end in itself. It is necessary to implement the policies that are necessary to make our democracy work and ensure the promised better life for all South Africans
That is the vision we must all work for – every day, wherever we are and whatever we do.
Signed Helen Zille
Comments by Sonny
The ANC is using bully tactics during public debate!
It is time for their demise from SA politics.
Saturday, April 10, 2010
Used condoms found at ET murder scene
2010-04-10 10:12
Print article Email article
Related Links
Fear lingers after Terre'Blanche's burial
'Terre'Blanche persecuted us'
Terre'Blanche laid to rest
Final journey for Terre'Blanche
Johannesburg - Allegations have emerged that a used condom was found in the farmhouse bedroom where AWB leader Eugene Terre'Blanche was murdered, the Star newspaper reported.
The newspaper said this has led to claims that Terre'Blanche was involved in a sexual relationship with his alleged killers, 28-year-old Chris Mahlangu and a 15-year-old boy.
Terre'blanche's body was found by detectives with his pants pulled down and his genitals exposed.
The newspaper reported that investigators placed the condom, and its content, in a crime kit, to be sent for forensic testing and will reveal the identity of Terre'Blanche's sexual partner.
One of the charges made against the alleged killers during court proceedings this week was of crimen injuria.
At the time prosecutor George Baloyi explained the charge of crimen injuria as: ".... they pulled down his [Terre'Blanche's] pants to his knees and exposed his private parts".
On Saturday, Mthunzi Mhaga, the spokesperson for the National Prosecuting Authority told the newspaper no further comment would be made on the charge.
"We've said enough. And that is that (the charge) is because Mr Terre'blanche's pants were pulled down to his knees and his private parts were showing. All other evidence will be presented at the trial."
Johannesburg lawyer Zola Majavu, who represents the minor, would neither confirm nor deny to the Saturday Star the discovery of the condom on the murder site.
AWB leader Steyn van Ronge at first told the newspaper that he "can't comment" on the alleged discovery of a used condom at the scene.
Later he told the newspaper that he was not aware of the condom discovery.
"If evidence is presented to support that, I will make a comment," he then said.
It was previously reported that Terre'Blanche had bought whisky and several bottles of cider on the day he was murdered.
The Saturday Star reported that there were claims that Terre'Blanche was seen on the morning of his murder at a bottle store with his two alleged killers.
Along with the crimen injuria charge, farmworker Mahlangu, and the minor, have been charged with murder, house breaking and robbery with aggravating circumstances and attempted robbery with aggravating circumstances.
The case was postponed to April 14. The two had not yet pleaded to the charges.
Right wing leader Terre'Blanche was murdered at his farm outside Ventersdorp a week ago.
- SAPA
News24.Com
Comments by Sonny
Is this another one of the ANC's conspiracies?
Who was he recipient of the condom and the shaft!
Now ET was having sex with his murderers
10 April 2010, 08:12
ET honoured on farm that was not his
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AWB members and local labourers had been hard at work all week digging a brick and concrete crypt that would take both Terre'Blanche and, ultimately, his wife, Martie, alongside him.
But, Terre'Blanche does not own the farm. The only thing he owns, or indeed is associated with, is a company called Deelsaam (Pty) Ltd.
The farm, Witrandjiesfontein, was sold in 2004 according to AWB committee chairman at the time, Andre Visagie, to raise money for Terre'Blanche's legal fees as he tried to stop his conviction and sentence for his assault on and attempted murder of security guard Paul Motshabi in 1996.
Under an agreement struck with the new owner, Terre'Blanche had five years to raise the funds, but in the meantime, rented the farm from the owner.
"He had no income and no salary," said Visagie, so Terre'Blanche turned to speaking to raise cash for fertiliser and seed and to buy cattle, and for his longer-term goal of returning Witrandjiesfontein to the family.
Yesterday though newly elected AWB leader Steyn van Ronge last night was adamant that Terre'blanche had in fact bought back the farm.
He denied too that Terre'Blanche had in fact been estranged from his wife and spent most of the time on the farm, coming into town irregularly.
Van Ronge, however, did admit that AWB members had made a huge financial contribution to the costs of yesterday's funeral, but added that it was a "completely private affair".
This article was originally published on page 5 of Saturday Star on April 10, 2010
The Star
Comments by Sonny
Who's sperm will they find in the used condom?
Is this another ANC conspiracy!
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